The historical importance of François Dufault and his influence on musicians outside France

Tim Crawford

(Paper read at the Colloque, 'Le luth en l'Occident' at the Musée de la Musique, Paris in May 1998)


I want to open this discussion in England. This may seem strange at first because, although we have documentary evidence of Dufault's residence there, he seems to have left little lasting trace, whereas in German-speaking countries, where the evidence for a visit is little more than circumstantial, more of his music survives than in French sources. What was it about this man and his music that appealed so strongly to the German and, in particular, Austrian lutenists who followed him?

In 1662 the Dutch lute-enthusiast Constantijn Huygens had been in Paris on a diplomatic mission for about a year, and had thoroughly enjoyed soaking up the musical atmosphere, meeting many musicians for the first time whom he had only previously known by correspondence. One of these was François Dufault, to whom he entrusted some letters for friends in England where he was about to travel. Huygens's copies of those letters survive, and in two of them he mentions his illustrious postman, calling Dufault 'the rarest man I ever hope to see upon the lute', and exclaiming, 'Surely he is the rarest compositor that I ever heard, and the sweetest humor of a man.'(1)

To which, perhaps, we should add that Dufault, born around 1600, was by this time an old man by the standards of his age. Huygens himself was possibly a few years older in fact, having been born in 1596 (he died in 1687 at the ripe old age of 91). The Dutchman, a fine composer himself, and a close friend of Mersenne, Dumont and many other French musical luminaries, including Jacques Gaultier, with all of whom he conducted a lively correspondence, had submitted some of his own lute pieces to Dufault's scrutiny, and was clearly proud of his approval.

French lutenists, such as Jacques Gaultier, Jean Mercure or Dufault himself, were not regarded with complete adulation by all sections of society in England. A satirical poem of 1658 speaks scornfully of lute music 'from the dungheap of Gaultier and the Privyhouse of Dufault'.(2) We should not forget that an instrument with the lute's aristocratic associations was by no means to be admired during the Commonwealth that followed Charles I's execution in 1649, and music took a somewhat different social direction during those quasi republican times. Musicians who had formerly served aristocratic patrons were now forced to find what employment they could, often playing in taverns for a paying public. It would not be surprising if the rarified nature of French lute music and its courtly associations rendered it less than successful in such a context.

In London and in Oxford several music clubs sprang up, where former professional musicians such as William Ellis, organist of St John's College before the Revolution, organised musical soirées whose intent was probably as much educational as recreational. This more conducive atmosphere allowed several lutenists to perform, such as the Oxford professor of music, John Wilson, and the equally well-known lutenist, John Rogers, whose brother, Benjamin, was a fine harpsichordist.(3) Ellis's manuscript book of keyboard music contains music by himself, Ben Rogers and Dufault. One of the pieces by 'Ben Rogers' (significantly the name 'Ben' is altered in the manuscript from 'John') is a version of the 'Courante suedoise' we know as a piece by Dufault;(4) actually it also appears in a Swedish source of orchestral music, and Dufault is unlikely to be the composer. (5) Another piece ascribed to a lutenist, the 'Courante Mercure' on ff. 44v-5, (6) is credited to Dufault in a lute manuscript of Austrian origin.(7) The e minor 'Courante Dufault' on ff. 42v-3 of Ellis's manuscript is reproduced at the end of the 2nd edition of the CNRS Dufault edition (p. 200). (See Music example 1a.)


This piece was not included by the editors in the main body of the edition since no lute version had been identified at the time. A German keyboard version of the same courante, however, transmits it in a more characteristic lute key, a minor, although at a higher octave, and gives it a title, 'La Civile'. (See Music example 1b.) The source, a manuscript written by Father Honorat Reich of the Benedictine Abbey of Ottobeuren and dated 1695,(8) contains, as well as a comprehensive collection of keyboard music by Ebner, Froberger, Kerll, Muffat, Poglietti and others, several lute pieces transcribed rather literally from tablature and using the higher octave.


In this key it is easier to recognise that the piece is in fact a version of an anonymous lute courante which is found in manuscripts in Kremsmünster and Brussels, important Dufault sources to which I shall return below. (9) (See Music example 1c and Fig. 1.)



So Dufault's music was indeed well-received in the right circles - especially among his fellow-professional musicians - in England as well as elsewhere. I imagine that it is to music such as Dufault's courantes that the highly chauvinistic English composer Matthew Locke was referring in his statement: 'I never yet saw any Forain I[n]strumental Composition (a few French Corants excepted) worthy an English mans Transcribing'. (10)

The satirical mention of Dufault in Flecknoe's 1658 poem suggests that Dufault was living in London at that time, or had visited there within recent memory. So the Huygens letter of 1662 quoted at the beginning of this paper probably relates to Dufault's return to the English capital in more favourable circumstances, after the Stuart monarchy had been successfully restored, and aristocratic patrons once again needed fine performers to grace their households. In September 1655, Huygens's famous son, the scientist Christiaan Huygens, was in Paris and wrote to his father at The Hague giving a list of musicians to be seen (and heard): 'Chambonière, Lambert, Hotteman, Constantin, Du Faut, Gaultier, Pinel, Gobert.' (11) Since the recommendations came from friends in Paris, it seems more likely than not that Dufault was present in the city at that time. Eight years later, in 1663, Christiaan visited London for the first time and, a few days after hearing Pinel, heard Dufault play 'excelent goed' with a 'Mrs Warwick', whose mother, 'Mrs Fretwell' (or Frescheville), had been a Maid of Honour in Queen Henrietta Maria's French court at the Savoy palace in London in the 1630s.(12) Constantijn Huygens was in London with his eminent son at the time, and presumably resumed his acquaintance with Dufault. By 1669, however, he was writing to 'Lady Warwick' (whom I assume to be the same person, although Brugmans identifies her as Joan Fanshawe) from the Hague and asked whether 'l'illustre Mr Dufaut' was still alive and vigorous.(13) (There may be a case for suggesting that Dufault - by now around 70 years old - died somewhere around this time. I have not had time yet to check all the English records to see if his death is recorded in England; that possibility remains open.)

Apart from the few Dufault pieces (of varying degrees of authenticity) preserved in various English and Scottish manuscripts of the mid-17th century, Dufault's music seems to have had little lasting influence in Britain.(14) The unique copy of the printed collection for flute (recorder) or violin and continuo, Suittes faciles, published by Roger in Amsterdam around 1700,(15) and which contains a well-known gigue by Dufault(16) and a few other arrangements of lute pieces, was owned by an English clergyman, to which we owe the fact that it has survived in Durham Cathedral Library. But there is no significant later English tradition of French lute music - no 'School of Dufault'.

Dufault's younger contemporary, Esaias Reusner the younger (1636-1679), was among the German-speaking musicians who clearly admired the French lutenist. In the autograph manuscript additions to a copy of Neue Lauten-früchte (1676) he states that certain pieces in D major for lute and viola da gamba (only the lute part is extant) were intended to be played in a suite with an 'Allem: et Gigue von Duffaut', presumably to be played from a separate manuscript copy.(17) As the CNRS Dufault edition points out, the D major allemande no. 85 and gigue no. 156 appear in suitable sequence in Brussels MS II 276 (ff. 57v-59), and may have been those referred to by Reusner.(18)

Reusner studied with a well-known French lutenist, whose name, frustratingly, is not recorded, when he was in the service of Princess Radziwill in Poland between 1651 and 1654.(19) Could this have been Dufault? Whether it was or not, Reusner's music clearly shows the influence of our composer. This is particularly noticeable in two genres: the pavan and the sarabande. The d minor pavan from Delitiae Testudinis (1667), p. 2, opens with the same theme as Dufault's great G minor pavane, CNRS edition no. 161, and references to it can be found elsewhere in the piece. This pavane was well-known in Germany as the versions for lute in Rostock Universitätsbibliothek MS mus. saec. xvii 54, and for harpsichord (1699) in the Ottobeuren manuscript attest. (See Music example 2.)

A sarabande in a minor by Reusner from Delitiae Testudinis (f. 14) shows a remarkable adherence to a type of sarabande that seems especially characteristic of Dufault. (See Music example 3.) This type of sarabande, in contrast to the earlier chaconne-like (faster?) sarabandes which were often characterised by much use of repeated strummed chords (played 'tirer et rabattre'), seems to owe something to the Italian passacaglia, and particularly to the laments over the stepwise-falling-fourth 'passacaglia' bass which became such a prominent feature of opera in the 17th century. Jacques Gallot, in his sarabande, 'Les larmes de Gallot par [recte: pour] Mr du Fault', although he uses strummed chords at the opening of his homage to the earlier composer, clearly alludes to this style, including a petite reprise of the final four bars, a striking feature of Dufault's sarabandes of this type.(20) (See Music example 4 and Fig. 2.)

While we cannot be sure that Dufault was the first to introduce these 'lament-sarabandes' to the lute repertory, they are among his most popular works, to judge from their appearances in manuscripts from all periods. No. 66 in the CNRS edition, for example, appears in about 16 sources, including an arrangement for 'Spinett'(21) and it is even 're-dedicated' to the memory of William III of Orange, King of England, in Lord Danby's lute book.(22) Another beautiful example of a sarabande of this type, although it is unascribed in all sources,(23) bears all the hallmarks of Dufault's composition, and the circumstantial evidence of its context in the sources strongly supports the possibility that he was the composer. There are variants between some of the versions in the manuscripts, and I reproduce two of them here. (See Fig. 3 and Music example 5.) The Darmstadt version (Music example 5) is somewhat different in the central episode, and may represent an earlier state of the piece.(24) The version in Brussels II 276 (Fig. 3) contains one highly unusual copying error: the final note c in bar 26 is duplicated an octave higher, giving rise to a glaring and unacceptable parallel octave. The note c' is clearly wrong, and appears in no other source, yet it is a perfectly logical continuation of the cantus melody at this point. It is not explicable as a mere slip of the pen during copying from a correct exemplar, since it appears three tablature-lines higher than the right note c; more likely is that it is an 'aural' lapse made while writing the piece out from memory. The final bar is also lacking from this copy.

In general, the music in this layer of Brussels II 276 is copied exceptionally accurately, and it is my belief, for reasons that are too complex to explore in detail in this paper, that this layer is in fact an autograph of the composer, François Dufault himself. None of the music in this hand in the Brussels manuscript bears a composer's name. With a single exception (a popular sarabande highly suitable as a beginner's piece)(25) all the music that is in this hand and which appears with a composer's name in other sources (23 pieces) is there ascribed to Dufault.(26) The style of the music in this hand is remarkably consistent and certainly matches that of the music in the Dufault edition. If my hypothesis is accepted, we can, therefore, add another 30 excellent pieces to Dufault's oeuvre, a body of work which should be published, together with a complete facsimile of Brussels II 276, as a matter of priority.

Like Reusner, Philipp Franz Le Sage de Richée was a native of Breslau, the capital of the province of Silesia, but he says in his Cabinet der Lauten (1695) that his pieces are 'established according to the fundamental rules of the most famous masters Messieurs Dufault, Gautier and Mouton', adding that he heard Mouton play and had the good fortune to become his pupil.(27) To these three Frenchmen he added the 'Prince of all artists in this [kind of] string-playing', Count Johann Anton Losy, and four lute-books with their names inscribed on the spines can be seen in the background of the engraved frontispiece to Le Sage's book.

As François-Pierre Goy has pointed out to me,(28) there are some clear references to Dufault's music in the Cabinet der Lauten. The allemandes in B flat major and C minor, in particular, begin with unmistakeable quotations of allemandes by Dufault. (See Music example 6a and 6b.) Note that the explicit allusion to the earlier composer is confined to the opening phrase only; no such obvious quotations appear later in the same pieces.

There are many examples in the baroque lute repertory of such quotations from earlier composers, presumably intended as homage in the Renaissance rhetorical tradition of imitatio, and this should be a fruitful area for scholarly research.(29) Another case of Dufault parody is provided by the little-known lutenist Hinrich Niewerth, probably a German, who was employed by the Swedish court between 1666 and his death in 1699.(30) A 'Courante de Hen. NeuWert' in c minor (Rostock Universitätsbibliothek, Ms. mus. saec. xvii-54, pp. 196-7), which Kenneth Sparr convincingly attributes to Niewerth,(31) and the non-attributed sarabande that follows it in the same manuscript (p. 197) in fact both begin with quotations of the first phrases of pieces by Dufault (CNRS edition, nos. 37 and 57). (See Music examples 7a and 7b.) Again, as with Le Sage de Richée, Niewerth only cites the opening phrase more-or-less exactly, and the rest of each piece does not coincide with the model. The Dufault pieces form part of a four-movement suite that is found in no 'French' source, but is transmitted entire in three trustworthy Germanic manuscripts and partially in another four (see the Dufault edition: 16, allemande - also quoted by Le Sage de Richée; 37, courante; 57, sarabande; 75, gigue). A recently-rediscovered lute manuscript of North German, or possibly Swedish, origin(32) contains second lute parts for the first three movements of the same Dufault suite (allemande, courant and sarabande) which are different from the contreparties given for the whole suite in Goëss MS V.(33) Interestingly, the three contreparties are clearly attributed to Niewerth: the allemande (No. 47 in the MS, ff. 37-38) is entitled 'Contrepartie de Nievert sur Marechal Linde. Allem:', while the courante (48, ff. 38v-9) and sarabande (49, ff. 39v-40) are labelled 'du mesme.' (Note that these do not fit with the Niewerth parodies, which have different harmonies and numbers of bars from their models.) Almost adjacent in the manuscript is a similar three-movement suite of contreparties in C major (51 53, ff. 41v-44), the opening piece of which bears the title: 'Contrepartie de l'Allemande de Nievert sur le grand Connestable. Mons. le Comte Wrangel.'; these fit precisely with a solo lute suite attributed to Niewerth in a manuscript now in Paris, but of Polish provenance.(34) While at present the significance of the (? Swedish) names 'Mareschal Linde' and 'le grand Connestable. Monsr. le Comte Wrangel' in this musical context remains obscure, Niewerth's interest in Dufault's music is clear enough.

Elsewhere in German-speaking Europe, especially in the Imperial cities of Vienna and Prague, some noble families seem to have exploited the waning in fashion of the lute in its 'native' country, France, by offering employment to visiting French players. Prince Ferdinand August Leopold Lobkowitz (1655-1715), head of a family of Silesian origin, but resident in Prague and Vienna, maintained close links with some famous players throughout the late 17th century.(35) An important manuscript by Charles Mouton(36) and an annotated copy of his Pièces de luth are in the Lobkowitz library, although there is - as far as I am aware - no confirming evidence that he actually travelled to Bohemia. The printed lute and guitar music by Gaultier (both the Livre de Tablature and the Pièces de luth), Gallot, Derosier, Corbetta and De Visée in the same library could have been purchased on journeys to France or through an agent. A fine and accurate manuscript of lute music by the Gaultiers and others has a title page stating that it was copied by Julien Blovin in Rome in 1676.(37) That was the year in which Prince Ferdinand August Leopold came of age (he succeeded his father as head of the family in the following year), and a visit to Rome would have formed an essential part of the young nobleman's Grand Tour; Blovin taught several non-Italian lute pupils, mostly of high birth, there between 1672 and 1710.(38)

That the Lobkowitz library is important to the survival of French lute music is well recognised. The recent second edition of Dufault's music in the Corpus des Luthistes Français(39) adds a further 76 pieces to the 86 presented in the 1964 edition. 17 of these come from the Lobkowitz manuscript II Kk 73, which also contains a further 9 pieces by Dufault supplied in the edition from other sources.

Another large source of lute music was discovered in Austria as recently as 1979 by Douglas Alton Smith. The 13 manuscripts in the library of the Goëss family at Schloss Ebenthal in Carinthia (together with another discovered still more recently in the Goëss family archive in Klagenfurt) are of similar musical importance to the Lobkowitz collection, and share with it some scribes and much repertoire. Four pieces were added to the Dufault edition from this source, and a further 18 pieces by Dufault have been identified within it. For reasons too involved to consider during this paper, it is clear that the manuscripts from the Goëss library of significance in a study of Dufault actually come from the Sinzendorff family; Maria Anna von Sinzendorff-Erstbrunn (1670-1709) married Johann Peter, first Count Goëss, in Rome in 1693, bringing with her many of the manuscripts. Goëss MS V was begun by Julien Blovin, who wrote in 16 solos and 12 duets, including the c minor duet for two lutes referred to above, probably around this time.

A number of pieces by Dufault come from manuscripts originally owned by members of the Wolckenstein family. Count Christoph Franz von Wolckenstein-Rodenegg (c.1635?-1679) was highly placed in the Tyrolean court at Innsbruck. His son, also called Christoph Franz (d.1707), married Anna Apollonia von Sinzendorff-Erstbrunn, the sister of the lute playing Countess Goëss I have just mentioned. The Berlin manuscripts 40068 and 40149, which were apparently handed down from father to son, are the chosen source between them for 9 pieces in the Dufault edition, and also contain a further 11.

The most important Austrian Dufault source not owned by or compiled for a member of the aristocracy is a large manuscript at Kremsmünster Abbey, which was written (together with a few others) by the highly expert musician Father Ferdinand Fischer (1652-1725), from Salzburg, whose education in that city coincided with the great violinist Heinrich Biber's period of greatest glory.(40) Kremsmünster L79 (together with its companions L82, L83 and L85) adds 12 pieces to the Dufault edition, and contains another 10 identified by concordance or edited from other sources.

Between them, these Austrian sources contribute 42 pieces to the Dufault edition, that is, approximately 26%. Other 'German' sources are of great importance, such as the Rostock manuscript,(41) from which no fewer than 21 Dufault pieces were supplied for the edition. In this paper, mainly for reasons of time, I shall concentrate on Austrian manuscripts.

It is clear that an Austrian 'Dufault tradition' can be perceived in the pattern of manuscript transmission of his music. It is my belief that Dufault was in fact the dominant influence in the emergence of an 'Austrian school' of lute music towards the end of the 17th century, and I present some of the evidence for that here, although a full discussion must await the completion of further research. As an example of how widely Dufault's music became known within Austria and southern Germany, Music example 8 presents six versions of the very wide-spread gigue, CNRS edition no. 77, which exists in both duple- and triple-time forms. 8a gives the tablature of a duple-time version from Kalmar MS. 21072, a manuscript of Austrian or Silesian origin which uses the unusual notation '11' for the 11th course, rather than the normal '4', and 8b is the version printed in Amsterdam, c1700. The Ottobeuren MS, whose keyboard repertory is substantially Viennese in origin, presents the gigue (8c) in triple-time (corresponding to a modern 12/8 time signature). Whether Count Losy himself actually made the arrangement for guitar of the same piece (given in 8d from a modern edition of Losy's guitar music(42) from the Prague MS(43) which appears to credit it among many others to him) remains a matter of controversy, but this 3/4 version, while not a precisely accurate rendition of the lute piece, is clearly an arrangement rather than a parody of the type discussed above in connection with Le Sage de Richée and Niewerth. Finally, and perhaps most surprising, are two versions of the gigue(44) which both appear in a violin manuscript in Klagenfurt, southern Austria (8e and 8f). While much of the music in this MS (music for violin, much in scordatura tunings, by Schmelzer and others),(45) requires a continuo accompaniment, some of it, including the several arrangements of popular lute pieces (by Dufault, vieux Gautier, Mercure, Dubut, Strobel and others), is for solo unaccompanied violin.

In the Austrian capital, Vienna, Andreas Bohr von Bohrenfels, born in 1662, was appointed as lutenist in the Kaiserliche Hofkapelle on 1 July 1696 and retained that post until his death in 1725.(46) Between August 1704 and March 1705 'dem H[err] Andreas Bohr Kays[erliche] Kön[igliche] Lauttenisten' was employed by Prince Lobkowitz.(47) From the fact that four pieces in Prague Ms II Kk 73 are signed 'AB' we can identify this particular hand as that of Bohr himself.(48) He turns out to be a prolific copyist of lute music in various 'Austrian' collections, including several in the Lobkowitz library and several in the Goëss collection (in both collections are a number of pieces by aristocratic composers in Bohr's hand, mostly by Count Losy, of course, but also including pieces by members of the Lobkowitz family).
Bohr had probably been earlier employed by the Sinzendorff family: the version of Gallot's allemande 'L'Amant malheureux'(49) copied into Goëss MS III by Bohr carries the title: 'Les plaintes de Gallot pour le depart de Mademoiselle MariAnne de Sinzendorff'. This is highly unlikely to be a dedication from the composer, but rather a 're-dedication' of the piece on the departure of Maria Anna for Rome, where she married Count Peter in October 1693. It is probable that the teaching association continued after Maria Anna's marriage: Goëss MS V, begun in Julien Blovin's equally characteristic hand, and thus almost certainly begun in Rome, contains music in Bohr's hand that was added in a later layer.(50)

In 1712 Bohr was officially entrusted with teaching lute and guitar to the Hapsburg princesses.(51) Teaching was clearly as important in his career as performing, a pattern by no means unusual, but one of great significance in the transmission of lute music, in particular, of the French compositions of a previous generation which formed such an important part of the Austrian 'aristocratic' repertory. Bohr's manuscripts are admirably consistent in notational clarity, and frequently contain the extra markings (fingerings for both hands in particular) that characterise teaching manuscripts. Such markings are almost entirely absent from Fischer's Kremsmünster manuscripts, which were intended exclusively for his own private use, no doubt; indeed, they are interesting for a number of pieces in more than one draft copy, which are possibly compositions by Fischer himself. He was, after all, regarded at Kremsmünster Abbey as a 'Meister des Lautenspiels',(52) and had little need to notate elementary fingerings, tenues and so on.

The extent of Andreas Bohr's transmission of various composers is shown crudely in Table 1, which compares the number of pieces by each composer copied into various MSS by Bohr. It can be seen that Dufault dominates with ease, even over aristocratic composers (marked in the table with an asterisk) such as Losy, Bergen and Lobkowitz. The pattern is repeated in Father Fischer's manuscript L79 at Kremsmünster, also in Table 1. (In calculating the percentages, I have deliberately not counted the 137 pieces copied by Fischer directly from Reusner's printed books; Kremsmünster Abbey also holds exemplars of the original prints.) For comparison, I have included a similarly crude breakdown of composers in another important and well-known manuscript whose provenance is not yet completely clear, although south-west Germany seems most likely, Rostock, Universitätsbibliothek, MS mus. saec. xvii 54, which possibly came from the Württemburg court library. Here Pinel dominates, but Dufault is not far behind, although the general distribution of composers is much more even in this manuscript.

Andreas Bohr, like most official court employees in 17th-century Vienna, was a minor aristocrat himself. There seems little doubt that Baron was speaking something of the truth when he characterised Bohr thus in the 1727 Untersuchung: 'Herr Bohr is the Imperial Court Lutenist, but because he is very guarded with his pieces, he is not known outside Viennese society.'(53) Bohr evidently did well out of his chosen profession; at his death the inventory of his possessions includes two lutes by 'Lauchsmaler' (one is 'etwas grosser'), two (of equal size) by 'Marx Unterdorn in Venedig' and a 'kleine Lauten', as well as four guitars and a mandolin. (Note that amongst the manuscripts copied by Bohr there are tablatures for guitar and for mandolin).(54)

Another lutenist who was very much part of Viennese society - what the English would have called a 'Person of Quality' - was Freiherr (Baron) Wenzel Ludwig Edler von Radolt (1667-1716). It is surely not without significance that among the distinguished sponsors at Radolt's baptism were: 'Excellentissimus Princeps de Logowitz' and 'Excellentissimus Dominus Comes de Sintzendorff Aulae Camerae Praesidens'.(55) In the prefatory material to his Aller Treueste ... Freindin of 1701, Radolt tells us that he has dedicated his life to music. Presumably his music-loving godparents ensured that he received the 'right kind' of musical education and he must have been taught to play the lute by a serious master of the instrument. In the same preface, Radolt explicitly states that in his music 'the rules of counterpoint are adhered to most precisely'(56) and that 'the Manier and style of Du Faut are complied with as much as possible, for he can be called rightfully the most noble and best master of the lute.'(57) Of course, Radolt was too young to have been taught Dufault's music by the composer, but its tradition was evidently still alive during his youth. Among Radolt's pieces, there is little of much musical inspiration. As Mary Burwell's tutor put it back in the mid-17th century, 'There be Rules for composeing lessons but to compose good lessons there be none it is God that is pleased to bestowe that Guift ...'. But one sarabande in E minor by Radolt is so clearly in Dufault's 'lament-sarabande' style that I feel sure it is intended to be recognised as such.(58) (See Music example 9 and Fig. 4.) Radolt's tablature (Fig. 4) includes explicit notation of etoufement (a form of staccato similar to Thomas Mace's 'tut'), vibrato, and various ways of playing chords, all of which are used here to heighten the expressive nature of this modest, yet effective sarabande.

Radolt's mention of the rules of counterpoint and Dufault's high reputation as a performer and composer (some 40 years after his death, it should be remembered) should remind us of Huygen's assessment of 1662: '... the rarest man I ever hope to see upon the lute ... the rarest compositor that I ever heard'. Furthermore, it is also strongly reminiscent of the comments by Mary Burwell's tutor, apparently representing the views of vieux Gaultier: 'Mr Du fault would have made a good organist because his way is heavy and affects too much the pedantick rules of Musicke.'(59) Dufault's playing is characterised elsewhere in the same source as: 'very grave and learned'.(60) Vieux Gaultier (who may have been illiterate, as is stated elsewhere in the Burwell Tutor) may not have considered a strong insistence on the 'pedantick rules' of counterpoint an advantage for a lute player. It was, however, a trait in Dufault's music that is discernible; few pieces of 17th-century lute music are more 'grave and learned' than the great pavanes in E minor and G minor, to which can be added an equally fine one in C major from the Brussels 'autograph' manuscript.(61) This gravity and intellectual rigour is likely to have been highly appealling to Dufault's German and Austrian contemporaries and followers such as the keyboard-playing Father Reich at Ottobeuren, the musically-sophisticated Father Fischer at Kremsmünster, the various highly-skilled professional lutenists such as Reusner and Le Sage de Richée from the Breslau tradition, Niewerth in Sweden and the Viennese Bohr, as well as to the many aristocratic dilettantes of various levels of attainment, including the musical devotees Count Losy and Wenzel von Radolt, for whom Dufault was 'the most noble and best master of the lute.'

In conclusion, I should add that the substance of Dufault's 'Manier und Art' as transmitted by Radolt, how this and other aspects of the non-French sources reflects an authentic 'French' view of the music and its performance style, and the precise ways in which Austrian lute composers reacted to the French music they 'inherited' from such composers as Dufault is the subject of a more detailed ongoing study than can be reported at this time.

©Tim Crawford, King's College, London, September 1998


Table 1: Three lutenists and their repertories

a) Andreas Bohr von Bohrenfels (Vienna 1662 - Vienna 1728)

Prague II Kk 73, II Kk 78; Goëss III, IV, V, VI, X ('1740')

[Other MSS not considered here to which Bohr contributed include: Prague
II Kk 36 (mandoline tablature); Prague MS X Lb 211 (guitar tablature);
Brno Stadarchiv MS 103 (from Veselí castle)]

Total number of pieces: 293

Dufault 43 (14.7%)
*Losy 25 (8.5%)
Ginter 20 (6.8%)
*Bergen 20 (6.8%)
Gallot 7
*Lobkowitz 7
Bohr 4
Reusner 4
Mouton 3
Gaultier 2
Pinel 1
Mercure 1
Dufresneau 1
Porsille 1
*C:W: 1 (i.e. 'Comtesse Wilhelmina' [Lobkowitz, née Althan])
St Luc 1
*Questenberg 1

b) Father Ferdinand Fischer (Salzburg 1652 - Kremsmünster 1725)

Kremsmünster Abbey MS L79

Total number of pieces: 339; excluding Reusner: 202

Reusner 137 (copies of both printed books)
Dufault 23 (11.4% of 202)
Gallot 7 (3.5% of 202)
Du Pres 4 (including Tombeau for Dufault)
'Gaultier' 3
Mercure 2
Mouton 2
Dubut 2
Pinel 1

c) Anon, c1670?

Rostock Mus. saec. xvii. 54

Total number of pieces: 358

Pinel 41 (11.5%)
Dufault 37 10.3%)
'Gaultier' 33 (9.2%) (Gaultiers other than 'le vieux')
Dubut 31 (8.7%)
Bechon 28 (7.8%)
Vincent 27 (7.5%)
Merville 18 (5.0%)
vieux Gaultier 17 (4.8%)
Gumprecht 17 (4.8%)
Strobel 12 (3.3%)
Niewerth 7
Mercure 5
Mezangeau 3
Rosette 3
Emond 2
Blancrocher 1
Montrovil 1
Villiers 1
Bouvier 1
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Music examples (not yet included here)

1
  1. Oxford, Christ Church Library MS 1236, ff. 42v-3, 'Corant / Dufault', ? arr. Benjamin Rogers (facsimile, CNRS Dufault edition, p. 200)
  2. Ottobeuren Abbey, MS 1037, p. 157, 'La Civile / Courrant'
  3. Kremsmünster Abbey, MS L79, f. 75, n.t.

2
  1. Dufault, CNRS edition no. 161, 'Pavane'
  2. Reusner (1667), p. 2, 'Paduan de E. R.'
3
Reusner (1667), f. 14, 'Saraban / da de E. R.'
4
Goëss MS V, ff. 38v-9, 'larmes de Gallot / pur [sic] M: du faut / Sarabande'
5
Darmstadt MS 1655, f. 44v, n.t.
6
  1. Allemandes in Bb major by Dufault and Le Sage de Richée (Dufault, CNRS edition, no. 104 (from Prague Kk 73, pp. 132-3); Le Sage de Richée (1695), p. 25, 'Allem: P. Lesage d. R.')
  2. Allemandes in C minor by Dufault and Le Sage de Richée Dufault, CNRS edition, no. 16 (from Goëss MS V, f. 79); Le Sage de Richée (1695), p. 33, 'Allemande de P. Lesage d R')
7
  1. Courantes by Dufault and Niewerth
  2. ) Sarabandes by Dufault and ? Niewerth
8
  1. Dufault, CNRS edition no. 77 (from Kalmar 21072, f. 16v, 'Gique Du Faut')
  2. Suittes faciles, no. 18, 'Allemande de Mr du fau'
  3. Ottobeuren MS 1037, p. 152, 'La Poesie, Gique de suite [other mvts by Pinel] de Msu du faut'
  4. Losy guitar MS, Prague, no. 13, gigue (from Prohanka edition, p.11)
  5. Klagenfurt violin MS, f. 49, n.t.
  6. Klagenfurt violin MS, f. 16v, n.t.
9
Radolt (1701), Erste Lauten, p. 56, 'Sarabande / B: R:'
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Figures (not yet included here)

Fig. 1 Brussels, Bibliothèque royale, MS II 276, ff. 37v-38, [Courante] (in the hand of François Dufault?)
Fig. 2 Schloss Ebenthal, Goëss MS V, ff. 38v-39, 'larmes de Gallot / pur [sic] M: du Fault / Sarabande' (in the hand of Andreas Bohr)
Fig. 3 Brussels, Bibliothèque royale, MS II 276, ff. 41v-42, [Sarabande] (in the hand of François Dufault?)
Fig. 4 Wenzel Radolt, Aller Treueste ... Freindin (Vienna, 1701), Erste Lauten, p. 56, 'Sarabande B: [i.e. W:] R:'

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